罗伊诉. 韦德, a 1973 decision in which the Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution protects a pregnant woman’s right to an abortion prior to the viability of the fetus and privacy about the decisions she makes regarding her body, 一直是 高度争议的问题 近年来,尽管最高法院的多数意见发生了变化 大多数美国人 支持堕胎权利. An 初稿 majority opinion that was circulated inside the court and then leaked to the media in May appeared to show the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn the amendment, and the June 24 ruling did indeed end the constitutional protection for abortion that had been in effect for nearly 50 years. 

下面,十大电竞游戏综合排名的专家们分享了这一决定的潜在后果. 

米利暗海王星 |十大电竞游戏综合排名女性研究中心(BCRW)高级副主任

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法院对多布斯v. Jackson is devastating because it denies those of us who can give birth the right to safely access a procedure that has 总是 a necessary part of reproductive healthcare. 但这一决定也令人不寒而栗地提醒我们,我们中的许多人(性别非二元), 反式, 酷儿, 黑色的, 移民, 土著, 残疾人, 和经济上脆弱的妇女)在国家眼中仍然不被视为完全的人, 我们的身体经常被定罪. We now have to struggle even more fiercely for reproductive justice — the ability to maintain autonomy over our bodies, 远离系统性暴力和伤害, 维持我们想要建立的家庭. 身体自主的问题 总是 中央在BCRW, 在1973年Roe案件判决一个月后举行了第一次会议, 我们将继续利用我们的档案, 出版物, 以及支持活动人士的活动, 艺术家, 以及围绕这些问题进行教学和组织的学者.

珍妮特·雅各布森 | Claire Tow女性、性别与性研究教授

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教授. 珍妮特·雅各布森

特别是罗伊诉. 韦德经常被框定在宗教道德之间, 这里的“宗教”主要是指保守的基督教, 以及对性别平等的世俗承诺. 这种框架是有误导性的, 我所从事的每个领域对这个问题的解释都有所不同. 

妇女研究领域的主要观点是,罗伊诉马丁·路德·金案提供的基本保护. 韦德应该被置于更广泛的种族正义框架内, 经济的可能性, 以及社区福利. 的 生殖正义 框架, which has been developed through the leadership of women of color in activist organizations like SisterSong in Atlanta, broadens the 框架 for understanding the importance of reproductive issues and why they are connected to many struggles for justice. 宋姐姐将生殖正义定义为“维护个人身体自主权的人权”, 有孩子, 没有孩子, 让我们的孩子生活在安全和可持续的社区里.” Reproduction is not a side issue but a necessary part of creating safe and sustainable communities and, 与此同时, 创建安全和可持续的社区对于支持每个人的生殖生活是必要的. 甚至连罗伊案所提供的基本保护都失去了,这让美国政府感到不安.S. society away from the social relations that will allow people to have and raise children in safe and sustainable communities. 如果没有罗伊案和对生殖正义的必要性的认识,美国司法体系将面临巨大挑战.S. society is further away from the possibility of jobs with a living wage that could support families, 或者一个没有警察暴力的世界, 或者为所有孩子提供安全的教育环境.

围绕罗伊诉肯尼迪案的辩论. 韦德 as a conflict between religious morality and gender equality makes it seems as though one group’s rights will inevitably triumph over another. 看来要么是宗教,要么是性别平等. 相反,关于罗伊诉金案的辩论. 韦德最好被理解为每个人的宗教自由问题. 历史上,宗教对堕胎的看法各不相同, 在宗教传统中, 包括基督教, 在宗教传统中. 不同的传统对堕胎有不同的看法. 对于那些相信生命始于受孕的人, 他们根据这一信仰组织生活的自由没有受到威胁. Roe offered protection against the use of the force of law to impose this belief on people who do not share it. 宗教自由保护信教民众, 不管他们的传统是什么, and those who are not religious from having to organize their lives according to religious values, 信仰, 以及他们没有共同的传统. 罗伊案的败诉, not only puts significant burdens on reproductive health and the possibility of safe and sustainable communities as advocated in the reproductive justice 框架, 这也是距离所有人享有宗教自由的承诺的一步之遥. 

伊丽莎白·阿纳纳特|马尔雅女性与经济学教授 

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教授图像. 阿纳纳特,黑色衬衫配蓝色开衫. 城市背景.

We know from a very robust body of research that growing up in poverty harms children across virtually all dimensions, 损害他们的健康, 受教育程度, 收益, 和更多的. 美国女性.S. 无论社会经济水平如何,生孩子都会面临高额的收入惩罚, 特别是, are highly likely to enter poverty directly after a child is born — thanks to a lack of paid leave, 缺乏负担得起的儿童保育, 而且缺乏在其他富裕国家常见的那种儿童津贴. 即使现在也是如此, 合法堕胎, in a context where women are able to plan their families and their births for when it’s the best time in terms of their work and family situation.

We also know from recent research that has followed women who were unable to get an abortion under new laws — because they came to a clinic just after, 而不是之前, a gestational cutoff in their state — that they are much more likely to be poor in the years afterward, 更有可能被驱逐, 精神和身体都很不健康, 更有可能陷入虐待关系. 的ir existing children (60% of women seeking an abortion are already mothers) end up with poorer developmental outcomes. 所有这些结果都预示着女性和她们孩子的未来会很糟糕.

换句话说, when more women lose the right to choose whether their current circumstances are the best ones into which to bring a new child (economically, 在他们的教育方面, 职业生涯, 和家庭背景), 面临物质困难的妇女儿童将更多, 应对健康状况不佳, 忍受家庭暴力. 所以堕胎合法化的好处在今天是相当大的, 失去它将付出巨大的代价.

奈良·米拉尼奇|历史学教授

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对于美国生殖权利和正义的支持者来说,这是一个毁灭性的时刻.S.但这并不是倡导者第一次面对如此严峻的政治形势. 在拉丁美洲, 长期以来,女权主义者一直面临着来自保守派的生殖权利的强大阻力, 天主教会, 福音派, 但即使是来自部分左派. 就在五年前, 97% of people in Latin America and the Caribbean lived in countries where abortion was illegal or severely restricted. 

但是今天, 三个最大的西班牙语国家——阿根廷, 墨西哥, 和哥伦比亚——已经将堕胎合法化. 他们遵循不同的立法和司法程序来实现这一目标, 但也有我们可以借鉴的模式:大规模动员的重要性. 一个广泛的生殖正义框架的重要性——在这个框架中,所有人都有机会获得生殖正义, 不仅仅是一些人的选择. 在社会中不同群体之间建立联盟, 跨越国界的团结网络的形成. 的 experiences of Latin American feminists also show that a grim political panorama can lead to innovative new political and healthcare strategies. [Nayla Vacarezza, 他是阿根廷国家科学技术研究委员会的副研究员, 我在这里举一个例子 我们的文章网络的形成 acompanantes 谁帮助妇女进行自我管理的药物流产. 这些网络扩大了堕胎在非法国家的可及性. 

Cecelia Lie-Spahn |讲师, English; Associate Director of the First-Year Writing Program, 第一年写作工作坊项目主任

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塞西莉亚·布朗·利-斯潘的大头照

毫无疑问,推翻罗伊诉. 韦德和几十年 遵循先例 [a legal principle that obligates courts to respect precedents established by prior decisions] affirming its validity — will exacerbate existing reproductive health inequities. 正如我们永远知道的那样, 将堕胎定为刑事犯罪并不能阻止对堕胎的需求, 长期以来,活动人士一直在努力帮助填补这一重大的医疗缺口, 有时是通过法外手段. 

Many point to medication abortion as a way for people to continue accessing safe abortion where it is illegal, and this is an excellent option when people can access the mifepristone-misoprostol combination pills that are FDA approved and routinely prescribed. 从80年代开始, 南美大部分地区的妇女互相学习和传授如何使用米索前列醇, 最初是一种溃疡药, 单独引产. Misoprostol (also known as Cytotec or “miso” for short) is more readily available than the FDA-approved and routinely prescribed combination of mifepristone followed by misoprostol. 在过去的几十年里,这种味噌一直在地下流通, women have become extremely knowledgeable about how to use it as safely and effectively as possible. 的 collective support and knowledge-sharing about miso that has grown into a 反式national movement is a powerful reminder of our ability to organize, 了解和关心我们的身体和彼此, 在法律环境下追求我们的需求.

与此同时,我们必须解决使这项工作成为必要的条件. 现实是, 在这个国家, 我们不断地让最脆弱的群体接受最糟糕的治疗. Abortion is one issue among many — reproductive and otherwise — that powerfully impact all kinds of health outcomes. 而罗伊。. 韦德从未承诺生育自由(没有法律可以), 它帮助阻止了对女性身体自主权的持续威胁, and it will be overturned at a time when the extreme right is becoming most creative with the law, empowering anti-abortion folks to sue not only medical professionals who are suspected of providing abortions but also activists doing the collective, movement-building work of assisting and supporting women in their pursuit of safe abortions and other health needs.


更多知识

Discover some of the reproductive justice and advocacy efforts led by the Barnard community below. 

玛格丽特·范登堡|英语高级讲师

玛格丽特Vandenburg他是英语高级讲师 集体行动运动 支持生殖权利. “我们活动的第一步是预先录制我最近的戏剧, 罗伊诉. 韦德2.0,随后是关于…的医学和司法影响的小组讨论 多布斯v. 杰克逊妇女健康组织范登堡说:“这是一个为罗伊量身定做的案件. 门票销售收入将直接捐给杰克逊妇女健康组织. 

Homa Zarghamee |经济学副教授

经济学副教授 Homa Zarghamee 举办了一个 十大电竞游戏综合排名科学年讨论 经济学家凯特琳·诺尔斯·迈尔斯,谁是法庭之友辩护的幕后推手, 有150多位经济学家签名, 是去年提交给多布斯最高法院的, 概述了推翻罗伊案的经济后果. 韦德. 

十大电竞游戏综合排名大学和哥伦比亚大学的学生

了解更多关于学生们是如何倡导生殖权利的 生殖正义团体,该组织倡导并分享有关生殖公平和正义的资源.

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